CONTENTSPanel I. Alternativity in Cultural History: Heterarchy and Homoarchy as Evolutionary Trajectories Panel II. Art, Struggle, Survival and Change Panel III. Civil Society, Civil Education and Cultural Identity in the Time of Globalization Panel IV. Comparing the State in Africa: The Drama of Modern Development Panel V. Divine Politics and Theocracy: Religion as a Power Mechanism in the Greco-Roman World Panel VI. Ethnic Model of Power Legitimation in the Political Practice of Contemporary Multiethnic States and Quasi-States Panel VII. Hierarchy and Power in Dates of Archaeology Panel VIII. Hierarchy and Power in Science: An Oxymoron? Panel IX. Hierarchy and Power in the Postcolonial World Panel X. Hierarchy, Power, and Ritual in Pre-Columbian America Panel XI. Ideology and Legitimation of Power in Ancient and Medieval Societies Panel XII. Markets and Hierarchies in the History of Civilizations Panel XIII. Money, Currency and Power, with Focus on Africa Panel XIV. Patterns of Hierarchy and Power in Southeast Asia Panel XV. Power as "Great Mystery" Panel XVI. Propaganda, Protest and Violence: Revolutions in the East and the West Panel XVII. Studying Political Centralization Cycles as a Dynamical Process Panel XVIII. The Order of Things: Material Culture, Practice and Social Status Panel XIX. The Role of the Evolutionary Theory in the Political History of the 20th Century Panel XX. The Use of Estrangement as a Pivotal Instrument in the Study of and Defence against Hierarchy and Power Panel XXI. The Will to Power and Its Realisation – The Rises and Falls of Absolute Leaders Panel XXII. Tradition and Modernization in Political Cultures of Islamic World Panel XXIII. Urbi et Orbi (Roma Aeterna) Panel XXIV. Free Communication Panel Panel (Round Table) XXV. Dilemmas of Leadership and Representation in Jewish and Arab Social Groupings in Israel Index of Contributors PANEL IAlternativity in Cultural History:Heterarchy and Homoarchy as Evolutionary TrajectoriesConvenors: Dmitri M. Bondarenko (Center for Civilizational and Regional Studies, Moscow, Russia), Carole L. Crumley (University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, USA)Until quite recently, cultural evolution in its sociopolitical aspect has commonly been regarded as the permanent teleological move to a greater level of hierarchy, crowned by state formation. However, recent research based upon the principle of heterarchy changes the usual picture dramatically. Heterarchy has been defined as “...the relation of elements to one another when they are unranked or when they possess the potential for being ranked in a number of different ways” (Ehrenreich, Crumley, and Levy 1995: 3). So heterarchy, being the larger frame upon which different hierarchical structures are composed, incorporates hierarchy, even in so-called “egalitarian” societies. The opposite of heterarchy, then, would be a condition in society in which relationships in most contexts are ordered mainly according to one principal hierarchical relationship. This organizational principle may be called “homoarchy”, and this is just what is misleadingly called “hierarchy” by proponents of the idea of transition from “egalitarian” to “non-egalitarian” societies, though even the most primitive societies can be ordered in such a manner. It is time to move away from earlier visions of social evolution. Rather than universal stages, two fundamental forms of dynamic sociopolitical organization cut across standard scholarly “evolutionary stages”: at any level of social complexity, one can find societies organized along both homoarchical and heterarchical lines. Thus, homoarchy and heterarchy represent the most universal principles and basic trajectories of the sociopolitical organization and its evolution. There are no universal evolutionary stages – band, tribe, chiefdom, state – inasmuch as cultures so characterized could be heterarchical or homoarchical: they could be organized differently, while having an equal level of overall social complexity. We are happy to have papers based on anthropological, archaeological, historical evidence from cultures of different periods and geographical areas. We seek to understand mechanisms and factors – social, political, cultural, and so forth – in the formation and transformation of homoarchical and heterarchical societies, including the transformation of one into the other. These address the possibility of alternativity as well as variability in world history and cultural evolution. ^ Carole L. Crumley (University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, USA)Widening the Search for DemocracyIn a volume exploring heterarchy, Brumfiel (1995) notes the variety of ways the volume's authors use the idea. Heterarchy describes an array of independent, homogeneous elements; the membership of elements in many different unranked interaction systems and depend on need, or where the same element occupies different rank; and the interaction as equals of two or more functionally discrete systems, which may be either ranked or unranked. In the same volume, I suggest that the idea of heterarchy may be of more general use, in three broad areas: scale, power, and values. While I am agree with Brumfiel's characterization of heterarchy as an enhanced descriptor of systems, its larger philosophical potential will not be fully realized until the underlying tension, the dialectic between hierarchy and heterarchy (however defined), is examined against the cultural and historical backdrop in which hierarchy became synonymous with order and other orderly forms were forgotten. For example, is heterarchy an alternative term for certain characteristics of political systems that are more likely to be styled democratic'? The contemporary ideal of the nation-state is founded on the assumption that the Greeks were the inventors of democracy. However, a growing body of evidence from northwest Europe suggests that later Iron Age polities were characterized by political and social forms that were by several measures more democratic than any contemporary forms in the Classical world. The status of women is especially worth examination, as well as the concept of self, the negotiation of strategic alliances and community norms, and the forms of succession in governance. While archaeological and literary records always offer an incomplete glimpse of the past, we may nevertheless know enough about societies situated both geographically and culturally beyond the poleis to challenge a key component of the origin myth of democracy. ^ David B. Small (Lehigh University, Betleham, USA)Democracy as an EpiphenomenonTradition analyses of the rise of democracies in the established polities of the archaic and classical periods in the Mediterranean report that the rise of democracy was the product of a purposeful clash, a wrestling away of control and power from an entrenched existing social hierarchy. Loosing up our analysis of the genesis of democracy in these cases however, by the application of a heterarchical frame, brings to focus an important, overlooked feature. There is much to support the concept that the rise of democracy, both in the traditional sense in ancient Greek polities and a more republican sense in Italian polities was epiphenomenal. Rather than developing out of a dialectic of opposition in an elites versus non-elites hierarchy, democracy appeared as a secondary issue, developing within contexts that were outside the traditional armature of elite control.^ David Christian (San Diego State University, USA)Power, Scale and Collective Learning: Power and Hierarchy in Human and Non-Human SocietiesPower and hierarchy are not confined to human societies. Animal behaviorists have long been aware of the striking parallels between human societies and those of other ‘social animals’, including species such as ants that are only distantly related to humans. Biologists are aware of an even deeper analogy: between the creation of multi-cellular organisms that organize and rearrange the individual cells of which they are composed, and social communities that do much the same to the individuals of which they are composed. This paper will explore these analogies, in order to see what they can teach us about power and hierarchy in human societies. In particular, it will explore the extent to which power and hierarchy correlate with density of settlement. As a counterpoint, the paper will also explore the implications of an idea I have developed in my forthcoming book on ‘Big History’ (‘Maps of Time: An Introduction to Big History’): that the primary feature distinguishing human from non-human societies is ‘collective learning’, the capacity to share and accumulate the learnt experience of individuals with great precision. I will argue that ‘collective learning’ helps explain some of the distinctive features of power and hierarchy in human societies, in particular, the timing and geography of the emergence of different types of hierarchies, and the rich and complex role played within all human hierarchies by symbolism and ritual.^ Olga Yu. Artemova (Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology, Moscow, Russia)On Some Forms of Hierarchical SystemsThe author argues that various types or displays of social inequality may have been shaped by quite different phenomena. Different mechanisms of structuring or institutionalization of hierarchical systems could act in parallel in the same culture (or society) or could be specific to particular cultures in particular periods and circumstances. These mechanisms could have their foundations in the sphere of material production and property relations as well as outside this sphere. In the last case, monopolization of special knowledge and occupations (often closely connected with ideology) by certain social groups is a powerful force that often shaped and still shapes social inequality. Data from hunter-gatherer societies with the purest and least complicated mechanisms of social differentiation illustrate this idea. The author emphasizes that powerful and prestigious corporations, with limited membership and monopoly of socially important information, exist in a number of societies with quite different social and economic systems: among foragers and shifting cultivators as well as modern industrial societies; in class societies as well as so-called socialist societies which pretended to eliminate classes and private ownership of the means of production. The author proposes that existence of such corporations is deeply connected with socio-psychological phenomena that cut across boundaries of cultures, epochs, continents, and civilizations. ^ Herbert Barry, III (University of Pittsburgh, USA)Heterarchical or Homoarchical Leadership and Kinship in Communities Community customs may constitute either heterarchical choices or predetermined homoarchical structures. Heterarchical community status is independence. The hierarchical alternative is subordination to higher government. Heterarchical choice in succession of community leadership is a formal election or an agreement by a group of the members, when a vacancy occurs. The homoarchical alternative is hereditary succession, determined prior to the vacancy. Heterarchical choice in family relationships is bilateral kinship, affiliation with the relatives of either parent or with both. The homoarchical alternative is predetermined unilineal kinship, either patrilineal or matrilineal. In a world sample of 186 communities, independent communities have similar numbers with bilateral and unilineal kinship. Independent communities with heterarchical choice of leadership have more frequent homicide, less incorporation of adolescents into adult culture, and more elaborate social control over adolescents. These attributes appear to be detrimental effects of predominantly heterarchical choices. Most of the homoarchical subordinated communities have homoarchical unilineal kinship. Subordinated communities with unilineal kinship and hereditary community leadership have lower levels of technological development, longer post-partum sex taboo, less frequent internal warfare, and less requirement of adolescents to be obedient. Some of these customs appear to be detrimental effects of predetermined homoarchical structures The optimal customs appear to be the individual freedom and adaptability of heterarchical choices combined with the predictability and continuity of homoarchical structures. The communities include villages in contemporary Russia (Viriatino), Spain (Spanish Basques), Thailand (Siamese), and Japan. Community leadership is heterarchical choice and family affiliation is heterarchical bilateral kinship. National leadership also is heterarchical choice. The heterarchical ideals of individual freedom, universal education, and equal opportunity for men and women are strongly expressed in these nations in spite of the homoarchical subordination of the villages to higher government. ^ Garrett Cook (Baylor University, Waco, USA)Heterarchy and Homoarchy in Maya Village PoliticsDebates about the degree of hierarchization of Classic Maya polities remain inconclusive (See Potter and King 1995, Fox, Cook, Chase and Chase 1996). Maya populations have consistently resisted centralized administration in favor of decentralized mechanically repetitive administration. Maya social-political history is a process expressing a dialectic between counterpoised powers (Crumley 1987:163), and also between counterpoised native models (Leach 1964). In colonial Guatemala, Maya pueblos were decentralized. Parcialidades (cofradias) retained the form of pre-conquest calpules or chinamits. Elite (cacique) lineages supervised these communal estates and sponsored the cults of local patron saints. The Twentieth Century Ladino-dominated nation state, supported locally by acculturated urban Maya, eliminated communal lands, seized the saints and placed them in a central church. Epi-toltec stories where saints were brought from Spain by cacique ancestors were challenged by a story of autochthonous power where saints were found in local caves. Cofradias became fiesta-sponsoring sodalities in the municipal church controlled by the urban elite. In the 1970's, though, surviving cacique families used the Catholic Action movement to break with the centralized cofradia system, replacing festival sponsorship in the urban center with local observances in newly built chapels underwritten by the caciques' descendants. In a Yucatec village in 1980's Belize several wealthy acculturated families gained control of electoral offices and the Catholic Church. Pentecostalism grew in the 1980s and 90's recruiting 90% of the Catholics into four small churches each of which was composed of two intermarrying patrilineages. Pentecostal participation in town government and elections was replaced by participation in decentralized churches. Village activities were coordinated by a council of pastors. Pentecostalism was used to resist hierarchical centralization and the western state's model of electoral representative democracy in favor of a decentralized Maya model of a council of visionary elders representing their junior kin. ^ Toon van Meijl (University of Nijmegen, The Netherlands)^ Metaphor and Heterarchy in Maori Socio-Political Organisation Ethnographic analysis is characterized by the interpretation and translation of indigenous customs and concepts into the etic language of anthropology. Not infrequently this process of translation involves the substitution of anthropological tropes for a range of indigenous metaphors that might evoke associations fundamentally different from the associations evoked by the metaphors on which the ethnographic analysis is based. In this paper I shall argue that anthropological interpretations of the structure of hierarchy in Maori socio-political organisation are misleading to the extent that they replace indigenous metaphors related to kinship and leadership. If Maori tropes are taken as points of departure for ethnographic analysis, the anthropological model of hierarchy in socio-political organisation takes a rather different form. The argument will be illustrated with a critique of the conventional model of Maori socio-political organisation, which implies a segmentary stratification of both kinship and leadership streamlined from the top downwards. But Maori socio-political organisation is understood by its constituents through metaphors of birth, so it seems more appropriate to understand hierarchy as generated from within, rather than from above. The difference between these two explanations of Maori hierarchy extends to a difference in research strategies. After all, chiefs seem to have more power in dealing with external relations than they have with regard to internal affairs. A hierarchical structure of socio-political organisation can co-exist with an anti-hierarchical ideology because of differences between external prestige and internal authority in Maori society. This paper will demonstrate the usefulness of the concept of heterarchy to the ethnographer in resolving the paradoxical relation between hierarchy and egalitarianism in classic Maori society.Tom Ryan (University of Waikato, Hamilton, New Zealand)Great Men and Sacred Chiefs: Political Transformation in Western PolynesiaMarshall Sahlins’ 1963 article ‘Rich Man, Poor Man, Big Man, Chief: Political Types in Melanesia and Polynesia’ famously contrasted the egalitarian ‘big-man’ societies of Melanesia to the hierarchical ‘chiefdoms’ of Polynesia. Since then many scholars have criticised this dichotomy for its evolutionism and ethnographic imprecision. Above all, they have emphasised the diversity of political forms found in Melanesia. The purpose of this paper is to use Sahlins’ later (1970s-90s) writings on the Western Polynesian societies of Fiji and Tonga as a basis for rethinking, first, the political anthropology of the neighbouring island of Niue, and second, political variation and transformation in Polynesia and the Pacific Islands generally. Central to Sahlins’ recent argument is the view that indigenous Fijian culture incorporates “an endemic contradiction: a conflict [between] reciprocity and hierarchy”. But, he continues, in Tonga the ethos of reciprocity now exists only as a trace, having long been subordinated to the hierarchical principle embodied in the office and person of the sacred chief. My own fieldwork on nearby Niue, by contrast, revealed a society that has actively rejected chiefs and hierarchy in favour of egalitarianism and reciprocity, with leadership roles being assumed by what Maurice Godelier has called – in respect to some Melanesian societies – ‘great men’. Western Polynesia – and, by implication, Polynesia in general – thus reveals political forms as varied as those of Melanesia. In the process, any meaningful distinction between ‘Polynesia’ and ‘Melanesia’ disappears. How the transformations observable across the Pacific Islands as a whole might best be described and analysed remains, nevertheless, problematic. Does Sahlins’ implicit model of two contradictory social principles coexisting within a single culture, reinforced by Godelier’s distinction between ‘great man’ and ‘big man’ leadership systems, really provide the solution? Or, does the answer lie in a theory of alternating ‘heterarchical’ and ‘homoarchical’ principles valid for all human societies and universal culture history?Timothy R. Pauketat Thomas E. Emerson (University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaigne, USA)Alternative Civilizations: Heterarchies, Corporate Polities, and Orthodoxies Following recent observations, we propose that the most “complex” societies are not the most hierarchical ones, but are those pervaded by heterarchies. While heterarchies are omnipresent throughout human history, they would seem to represent the antitheses of civilization, which we define as a process that entails the development of correspondences between political practices and cultural traditions across regions and between peoples. Civilizations simplify the many complexities of social life through the creation of hierarchical orthodoxies – ideologies or cultural traditions that supercede heterarchical tendencies. One variety of heterarchies – political factions – has the tendency to coalesce into corporate groups that govern non-aristocratic political formations and have the capacity to broadcast corporate orthodoxies. We propose that this process is not a progressive, political-evolutionary one. Nor can it be accurately summarized using top-down models that assert elite power strategies and ideologies by themselves generate political change. This is because civilizations were shaped by all people, not just politicos. A number of idealist social theories suggest that non-elites in varying civilizational contexts have power to affect the formation of central governments. That power is inherent in the cultural dispositions and traditions of all people who have, in some ways, always been accommodated by would-be rulers and administrators. Such accommodations, of course, result in heterarchies, regionally specific political histories, and a diverse array of sociopolitical formations that cannot be called either chiefdom or state. Recent years have seen vigorous investigation of such heterarchical phenomena leading many to proffer alternative concepts intended to better capture the historical realities of the civilizing process: faction, political community, rituality, segmentary state, cultural hegemony, etc. Of course, these concepts focus our attention on meso-scale (i.e., social groups and associations) and micro-scale (i.e., routine practices and human agency) aspects of the civilizing process, and our discussion seeks to continue in a vein exemplified by recent examinations of Mississippian corporate polities and political communities.^ Jan Bouzek (Charles University, Prague, Czech Republic)Classical and Hellenistic Thrace – Exertion of Power Political system in Thrace: system of tribal rule over individual tribes developed in their federations, imposed mainly by the most powerful of them: Three large kingdoms developed in the 5th – 4th centuries B.C. The best known and largest was that of the Odrysians in the SE, the other two were the kingdom of the Getae in the NE, and another of the Triballoi in the NW. Between the two latter there was the area of the so-called “democratic” Thracians, and in other areas – mainly in the mountains – areas of other smaller tribe units. But even the larger empires were composed of smaller units, only to some extent respecting the higher ruler.^ Greek cities: Some of them were independent poleis, though few of them of greater political power. They formed federations, and had to develop friendly relations with their more mighty neighbours – including those with powerful fleet. They had also some apoikias, small cities in their chora (first rather zona di influenza, only later more defined territorio cittadino with marked frontiers), and also emporia, where the Greek and indigene population mixed. Other emporia situated more inland were politically dependent on contracts with their Thracian neighbours, to which apparently they had to pay taxes, but also kept their autonomy. Of the great powers, the Persian empire collected taxes from local tribes, employed local soldiers in its armies and founded strategic forts to ensure the logistics, but otherwise did not mix up much into the local affairs, especially in areas more distant from the coastal zones. Athenian First and Second confederacy included most of the Aegean Greek cities, and also some in the Black Sea, but both of them were mainly based on maritime connections. They made contracts with the Odrysians and apparently intrigued up to the assassination of the most powerful of Odrysian kings, Kotys I., but had neither strong army nor interest to penetrate deeper into inland Thrace. Filip II conquered Thrace in mid 4th century and founded some fortified cities there, but he, as well as Alexander and Lysimachus, did not change the basic tribal ruling system of inner Thrace, which persisted of small tribal kingdoms until the Roman conquest.^ Dmitri M. Bondarenko (Center for Civilizational and Regional Studies, Moscow, Russia)The Benin Kingdom: A Homoarchic Alternative to the Homoarchic StateTheories of the state almost always consider it as specialized institution for governing society; specialized because it is “filled” with professionals forming bureaucracy. Weber elaborated the most authoritative concept of bureaucracy. His ideas form the background of influential modern theories of the state. Though not all of Weber’s ten features of bureaucracy could apply to preindustrial states, an attempt to apply them to Benin in the 13th – 19th centuries reveals that none, including the most significant – the governors’ independence from kin organization – was characteristic of her leaders. By the 13th century Benin, had historically passed and culturally superceded the complex chiefdom level. In her size, social complexity, economic parameters, governmental apparatus hierarchicity, and the spiritual sphere Benin was the equivalent of early states. Nevertheless, the society was still based on the homoarchic “matrix” of the heterogeneous extended-family community characterized by a tangle of kin and neighbor ties, dominated by kinship. This form of socio-political organization can be called the “megacommunity,” and its structure can be depicted as four concentric circles forming an upset cone: the extended family, heterogeneous extended-family community, chiefdom, and megacommunity (kingdom). Megacommunal institutions dominated communities and chiefdoms, but in Benin, without a pronounced priority of territorial ties over kinship ties, even those who governed at the supreme level could not become professional officials. The homoarchic megacommunity turns out to be an alternative to the early state. Thus, alternativity exists not only between heterarchic and homoarchic societies, but also within each of the respective types. In particular, the homoarchic by definition (Claessen and Skalník 1978) early state “competes,” not only with heterarchic socio-political systems, but also with some forms of socio-political organization, not less complex and homoarchic than the early state itself.^ Leonid E. Grinin ("Uchitel" Publishing House, Volgograd, Russia) Alternativity of State Formation Process: The Early State vs. State Analogues It is recognized widely enough that for a pre-state society to be transformed into a state, it must have a certain size of territory and population, a necessary degree of sociocultural complexity and an ability to produce adequate surpluses. However, we know of numerous polities, comparable to early states in size, complexity and a number of other parameters, which are at the same time significantly superior to typical pre-state formations such as simple chiefdoms, tribes, and independent simple communities. For these reasons, it would be wrong to regard such complex non-state societies as being at the pre-state level of development. In a certain sense, they can be regarded as being at the same level of sociocultural development as early-state societies. And, since both types of societies faced similar problems and solved similar tasks, I denote complex stateless societies as early state analogues. Some of these analogues turn out to be incapable of transformation into states at all. Other systems of this kind do become states, but only when they reach quite a high level of development and complexity, a level that is fairly comparable with those of many state societies. Thus, a society, after reaching a certain size and a certain level of sociocultural complexity (at which the transition to the state is already possible), may continue to develop, but not build the political forms of an early state for quite some time. In particular, a culture may have a very high level of social stratification, but lack a state system. So major dissimilarities between early states and their analogues are not at the level of size and complexity, but in the peculiarities of political organization and in the methods of government. Bringing dissimilar societies under the single common title early state analogues contrasts other polities to the state alternative of the development of complex post-primitive societies.^ Dieter Reicher (Karl-Franz University, Graz, Austria)Pyramid and Trapeze Constellations: State-building Processes and Patterns of Social ControlIn this paper, I will argue that to understand organizations of social control (like the court system or the police) means to study the development in the change of the power balance between social classes. Therefore, I will compare the development of those organizations in different countries and in a long-term historical perspective. This analysis in the changes and the configuration of power balances between social classes (or, more generally, specific social groups) has much to do with what is called “heterarchy” and “homoarchy”. Take for example England of the late seventeenth century. In this period, the nobility and the gentry disempowered the absolute reign of the king and installed a system of lordship based of the rule of parliament. Here, there was an oligarch system and amongst the elites the ideal of equality (the ideal of the gentleman) emerged. There was no powerful king above these leading classes. However, the distance to the lower classes was large, as expressed in a bloody penal code, for example. Ideal-typically, there was a two-layer power configuration: between leading classes and the “rest,” although in reality, it was more complicated. Therefore, I will refer to such a configuration between the leading classes and the “rest” as a “trapeze constellation”. In the same period, some continental powers developed – ideal-typically – a power system closer to “homoarchy” or what I refer to as a “pyramid constellation”. There, princes installed an absolute reign and subdued the nobility by dissolving or degrading the parliaments. The power configuration was strictly hierarchical, with three-layers of rankings: prince, nobility, “rest”. This pyramid constellation allowed a variety of coalitions. The most important was typically a coalition of the top of the pyramid (the prince, and his bureaucracy) and the bottom (the “rest”) against the rich and local dominant middle layer (the nobility). I will show that both pyramid and trapeze constellations are basic concepts of organizing social control in these countries. These basic concepts comprise a kind of logics of development. If one compares modern English police organization or the court system with those of some continental states, one will find these old basic concepts prevailing (jury-system versus inquisition system, exclusion versus inclusion of population in policing) although the old institutions were transformed into modern organizations. In a certain way, these constellations are basic patterns for the creation of power. Thus, there are different ways, or cultures, of creating power in some countries.^ Nicola Peter Todorov (Lycée Gustave Flaubert, Rouen, France)Hierarchy and Power in Napoleonic Westphalia We have studied the organizational principles of the Napoleonic satellite kingdom of Westphalia in order to observe the transfer of French political and administrative experiences to a cultural different context. In this new kingdom, a strictly hierarchical body replaced the ancient collegial administrations. Hierarchy was a means of dividing the subjects and of obtaining their obedience. Even those with the same rank were subdivided by the creation of administrative units of different importance, attributed according to merit. Whereas in France demographic and economic differences between departments were used to establish a hierarchy between prefects, unequal departments and above all cantons were created in Westphalia since the beginning. But creation of more ranks was not a general tendency. It concerned the administrations occupied by social groups potentially opposed to the French reform policy. Compared to the ancient system the French system transferred more attributions to the central level but maintained the attributions of the lowest level. On the other hand, the ancient elites tried to obtain, sometimes successfully, the restoration of some levels or the creation of additional, above all, intermediate ones. On can observe hierarchical evolutions with very different social and political significations within the same state construction in a very short time. Social interest and structure appear as decisive factors in how hierarchy is established. The numerical relations between the members of the different ranks should also be considered because they modify the human relations within the administrative body. By measuring such parameters as connectivity and dimensions of these relations, we will try to apply the physical percolation theory – recently used to describe and to predict social and political phenomenon – to explain efficiency and change in hierarchical organization. PANEL IIArt, Struggle, Survival and ChangeConvenor: Michael Walsh (Eastern Mediterranean University, Famagusta [Gazimagusa], Cyprus)This panel is designed to explore the interface between the fine / applied arts and the experience of historical struggle – be it political, social, gender, race, civil, national / international. The individual, as well as the collective experience, is sought, as an artistic response to differing socio-political (internal and external) stimuli. The panel encourages papers that deal with: sculpture, painting, photography, architecture, graphic and poster art, exhibition and gallery priorities, mass media, criticism and all other relevant forms of representation relevant to the fine arts of any historical / cultural period. The study is aimed at highlighting the duality which can exist between: Art as a consequence of hierarchical power struggle, war and civil disturbance. Art as a mode of creating / implementing hierarchical power struggle, war and civil disturbance.^ Ian Morley (Ming Chuan University, Gwei-Shan, Taiwan ROC)Expressing the Might of a Civilisation: Civic Design in Britain and the British Colonies during the Victorian and Edwardian PeriodBy the onset of the Victorian period Britain had led the Industrial Revolution. Not only had the cultural change under industrialisation led to the congregating of the expanding population within existing settlements but it had also led to townscape changes and new political and economic means by which local authorities sought to express their wealth and status. Not content with just domestic influence central governments sought to further develop the economic, political and cultural wealth of the nation through adopting a policy of overseas expansion related to colonialisation. In such a context this paper will examine the influence of empire upon civic design practice as a tangible expression of the British nation’s power and standing. Consideration will be given to, for instance, public edifices and environmental developments in London, the ‘centre of the empire’, as well as provincial British cities like Birmingham, Dublin, Glasgow, Liverpool and Manchester - places competing to be known as the ‘second city of the empire’, during a time when architectural methods evolved, new design styles emerged, huge public events like the Great Exhibition and jubilees occurred, and an increasingly rational control of urban environments took place. Attention will also be given to overseas places such as New Delhi and Kuala Lumpur with their Baroque and Moorish forms, which highlight the Victorian’s energy for developing artistic and architectural techniques, taste and sensibilities as a consequence of being inspired by imperial rule and the feel of economic and political power at home and abroad. The paper will thus examine artistic innovations and the cultivation of design styles which sometimes softened the dichotomy between ethnic and imperial art, often helping the British to further appreciate their strength and awareness that they understood the world, felt comfortable with it, and, significantly, could control it imperiously.Irina Galkova (Institute of World’s Culture, Russia)^ Iconography of Romanesque Portals: Theme of “Double” Advent 1. The interaction between man and carved décor in churches is more complicated than simple visual perception. Images visualize the sacral action and thus participate in it alongside with men. One of the most expressive examples of such interaction is the iconography of the portal’s décor connected to the process of man’s entrance into the church. 2. If the church is a symbolic representation of Heavenly Jerusalem, then the church’s doorway is a transitional zone between two worlds: earthly (sensual) world and heavenly (spiritual) one. The process of entering can be compared to the otherworld journey. 3. Both otherworld journey and iconography of portals are connected to the theme of moral conflict: struggle between Good and Evil for the human soul (and the inner struggle between virtues and vices). The décor of entering zone marks the highest point of this struggle linked to the triumphal theme. 4. The Romanesque portal is often compared to the roman triumphal arch. The principal subject is traditionally determined as Christ’s Advent (Epiphany), corresponding to the Emperor’s Advent depicted on the arch. But in comparing the functioning of the roman arch and the church portal, a new aspect arises: the triumphal entrance of the emperor (his procession through the arch) corresponds to the entrance into the church of every Christian. Two themes are merged in this sculptural program: Advent of Christ and Advent of man. The Epiphany is out of time, it means the eternal and invisible presence of Christ between his two corporal advents; Advent of a man lasts only during the moment that he really passes through the doorway. 5. The duality of iconographic programs corresponds to the duality of the idea about the end of the world (general eschatology and individual one: the Last Judgment at the end of Christian history and the immediate judgment over each person after his death). General eschatology corresponds to revelations of the prophets (first of all – the Apocalypse of John) and to the iconographic theme of Christ’s Advent and final victory over Evil. Individual one – to the personal visions of otherworld journey and to the theme of Man’s Advent (victory over the vices and entering the Paradise). Correlation of these two kinds of eschatology is one of the constantly discussed questions concerning the medieval mentality. Studying of the iconographic programs of church portals is one of the new possible approaches to this problem.^ Veronica Usachyova (Centre for Civilizational and Regional Studies, Moscow, Russia)^ Tanzanian Mass Media as a Mirror of Social and Political Changes Before 1992 the majority of mass media (TV and radio, printed media) in Tanzania was owned and controlled by the state. Besides government control, the ruling party Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) – Party of Revolution – had it’s own newspapers. In general, Tanzanian mass media served the purposes of the ruling party. The transition to a multi-party system changed this situation – private broadcasting obtained its role in society. Liberalization of press in Tanzania – contrary to the previous state monopoly – opened a new epoch of mass media development and press freedom. At the same time liberalization generated the dramatic changes in society. This paper investigates the role of mass media in multicultural and poly-ethnic societies, the main problems of media, and examines the data obtained in the field research in Tanzania (April-May 2003). In particular, during this expedition twenty journalists and editors, public figures and officials were interviewed. Respondents elucidated the questions about the interests and role of mass media, government and public in communication sphere and Tanzanian multicultural society. The paper also analyzes the plots of political cartoons from the Cartoonists Exhibition which was organized in Dar es Salaam at that time. For years, cartoons, caricatures and comics were taken as something to fill up spaces in newspapers, magazines, books and other publications. Now Tanzanian society regards them as a serious medium of communication, which in simple and popular form reflects the main problems of society, as well as the problems of mass media. ^ Kokunre-Kienuwa (Kokie) Agbontaen-Eghafona (University of Benin, Benin City, Nigeria) Aspects of Gender/Power in Benin Art CollectionsFrom documents and oral traditional accounts, the Benin woman in the traditional setting, is often depicted as relegated to the background in the hierarchy of governance and power. Taboos and lots of myths surround the woman’s life. Clearly in the traditional setting in the pre-colonial era, she was subjected to lots of discrimination. For instance, women to date are never given chieftaincy titles. Her rights and privileges were severely limited in comparison to her male counterpart. The society itself was highly stratified, with the woman at the lowest rung before slaves. However, oral traditions also relate some incidences of venerated women, and women with special titles, such as the Iyoba (Queen Mother) and women like Queen Idia and Iden. This paper examines the place of the traditional Benin woman in the socio-political hierarchy of the kingdom in the light of Benin art collections. A deliberate use of art objects as mnemonics was widely practiced among the people of the erstwhile kingdom of Benin particularly during pre-colonial times. The mnemonics of Benin historiography consists in an ingenious marriage of specific memory props and the arts and craft industry to produce highly accurate markers of time and events. The place of the Benin woman is therefore examined through the Benin Art in corroboration with oral and documented evidences, or to shed new light and bring forth new evidences on the position and power of women in the society. The hierarchy within the women’s set up is also analysed, in discussing the various categories of women and their place in the kingdom. Subtle or overt roles the women may have played in the expansion and survival of the erstwhile kingdom is further discussed.^ Jalal Rafifar (University of Tehran, Iran)Shelter Rock-art in Iran (Arasbaran)During the past decade certain extensive archaeological surveys and excavations in the northern part of Iran and in Armenia, Georgia and the Republic of Azerbaijan have uncovered a remarkable cultural complex referred to as the Azerbaijan- Caucasus Anthropological and Archaeological complex. This culture is best known from the studies of the engraved rocks art of the Arasbaran region situated in the north western part of Iran. According to certain estimations, this sort of art is to date back to more than forty thousand years ago and it has a long history in Iran. Two seasons (2001-2000) of the ethnological and archaeological researches in the northern part of the Iranian Azerbaijan have revealed hundreds of carved and sketched drawings and figures on rocks and in subterranean rock- shelters, at least in the nine sub-regions completely distinguished. Not only the drawings and figures themselves but also the diversity of the motifs and images of animals, humans, symbols, etc. is of great significance. An anthropological study of these motifs would reveal remarkable information about the situation and the limits of the cultural domains, about the cultural relations and the process of cultural diffusion in the prehistoric era at the intersection of Anatolia, Caucasus, Zagros and the central plateau of Iran. In the first part of this presentation, those figures are presented and it has also been tried to classify them and present an analysis concerning this sort of art which has been until recently unknown in Iran. In the second part of the paper the, techniques of execution, relative chronology, stylistic-contextual particularly and ideological considerations pertaining to the new findings are treated. Finally, the first result of a study of these humans, animals and signs figures are presented here and it has been tried to place them in their iconographic contexts and the role that animal symbolism may have played in the art of ancient Iran and Caucasian though have been discussed.Anber Onar (Eastern Mediterranean University, Famagusta [Gazimagusa], Cyprus)^ Eliding Boundaries: The Art of Conflict Over centuries of settlement, conquest, interaction with neighboring countries and political/cultural change, the identities of the peoples of Cyprus have constructed and deconstructed themselves, through ideological/utopian constructions of the past and the future, and images or visions serving to legitimize the present. Works of art on either side of the divided island reflect the relation of myth and myth-making to formations or crises of identity, to the struggle involved in questioning and searching for individual and cultural identity both within and against political, physical and psychological borders and conflicts. This paper discusses artworks – by Lefteris Olympios, Emin Cizenel and Inci Kansu among others--where relations between historical interpretations and contemporary politics are engaged without prioritizing any of them in an aesthetic hierarchy based on political correctness, or the “truth,” or the “original.” These works question the existing conflict by both melting down and legitimizing their own side’s political arguments, multiplying and reiterating its politics in order to empty out the “original” meaning. This is at the same time a self-questioning of the legitimacy of the artistic representation, which leads to a destabilization of structures and the proliferation of possibilities for further fragmentation – physical, psychological, political – of localized myths. By semiotically relating the visual to the textual within, and surrounding these works, this paper will expose the historical myths of conflict and struggle in Cyprus simultaneously, in all their hybridity, leaving them open to new interpretations, new constructions. The visual language of these artworks embodies the struggle both for and against geographical and political division. Recognition of the hybrid nature of struggle may well become the foundation of new constructions in Cyprus, as the island finds its place in the larger world. Michael Walsh (Eastern Mediterranean University, Famagusta [Gazimagusa], Cyprus)^ International Neglect and Cultural Politics in Northern Cyprus The thrust of my presentation is not politically accusatory, neither do I suggest a solution to, or even an opinion on, the serious political problems that continue to divide the island of Cyprus. My position, instead, is as an art historian who wishes to express dissatisfaction at the role of the international community in the northern section of the island and who wishes to ask what role academia envisages for itself if unification and European Union entry does not succeed. Likewise, the Scylla and Charybdis scenario is played out if we also ask what will happen if the island does successfully reunite and rampant tourism advances on the northern section of the island, wholly unprepared for the eventuality, in the event of a ‘solution’. Continued neglect – or un-harnessed commercial exploitation – either way the future is perilous. Current political turmoil is no excuse for the neglect of a cultural wealth unsurpassed in the Mediterranean and I ask the international community to consider the moral dilemma that exists between political stalemate and a sense of intellectual responsibility which should rise above the contemporary differences of respective governments. Academia has to position itself clearly at the heart of this debate, then live by its decisions. If this doesn’t happen the deterioration will continue, so when academics do eventually return in the wake of a political agreement, it will be too late for much that can be saved today.^ Helga Lomosits (University of Vienna, Austria)Remarks on the Protection of the Heritage of Indigenous PeopleThe presentation summarizes working papers and studies on the protection of indigenous cultural heritage submitted to the Sub-Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights. The UN review seminar (2000) was to bring together matters of complexity for scholars, explored areas of agreements, and craft language acceptable to all participants. The concept heritage has been chosen, as object of protection, because the alternatives “cultural property” and “intellectual property” were considered inappropriate in the context of indigenous peoples. Special Rapporteur Dr. Erica-Irene Daes’ 1995 study on the protection of the heritage of indigenous people and its conclusions and recommendations were guided by three major ideas: a) the need for a holistic view of the subject-matter, flowing from indigenous peoples’ essential relationship to land and leading to a comprehensive definition of heritage; b) the principle of locality, deferring to indigenous customs, laws and practices wherever possible; and, c) the principle of effectiveness, leading to principles and guidelines that would provide utmost protection through the dominant legal systems, both national and international. The resulting draft was reviewed in an United Nations seminar in 2000 and expresses not only a principle policy, but also recommendations. The discussion ensued on the issue of the possible adverse consequences, that might occur as to consider the UN-draft, in particular, requesting, that researchers should provide indigenous peoples with comprehensive inventories of the cultural property and documentation of indigenous peoples’ heritage (E/CN.4/Sub.2/2000/26 para 13).^ Dianne Sachko Macleod (University of California, Davis, USA)Pariahs in The Parlor: The Decorative Arts as a Site of Struggle in the Feminization of American CultureWomen’s battle for cultural recognition has been impeded by a power structure that dismissed their predilection for the decorative arts, which Edmond de Goncourt disparaged as “bricabracomania” and Max Nordau stigmatized as a pathology in his book, Degeneration, in 1893. In America, as recently as the 1980s, the journal Psychiatry claimed that women’s accumulations of “china and the like” should not be considered true collections, because they were acquired for personal and ahistorical reasons, unlike those of men. These assessments are derived from Kant’s gender hierarchy which ranked feminine taste below the masculine quest for morality. Fine art, according to Kantian aesthetics, demanded a disinterested observer to appreciate its intellectual qualities, rather than an emotionally engaged participant who projected her feelings onto the object. I shall argue, however, that art collecting as practiced by women should be redefined as a process of gathering objects that console the psyche and contribute to the articulation of the self. Emboldened by the process of individuation and empowered by the act of consumption, women dissolved the distinctions between the cultural and the political. In this presentation I will chart the controversial relationship between women and the decorative arts in the United States, beginning in the Gilded Age and continuing into the twentieth century as bourgeois housewives joined forces with other civic-minded women and pushed for social reform. Resentment grew as men derided female taste in order to justify their appropriation of interior decoration as a lucrative profession. Women’s growing prominence in the economic sphere, combined with the involvement of elite collectors such as Louisine Havemeyer, Alva Vanderbilt, and Marjorie Merriweather Post in the struggle for woman’s suffrage, resulted in a male backlash to the perceived feminization of culture.^ Johann Pillai (Central Connecticut State University, New Britain, USA) States of Anarchism: The Logic of the Dada and Surrealist Text and AudienceThis paper touches on several Dada and Surrealist texts, but focuses in particular on Tristan Tzara’s “Monsieur Antipyrine’s Manifesto,” Antonin Artaud’s play “Jet of Blood,” and André Breton’s novella “Soluble Fish.” Each of these texts has a specific political agenda, reflecting discontent with prevailing social, political and psychological structures—including the government, the family, morality and art—but very little work has been done to analyze their interrelated modes of expression of this discontent. The manifesto represents a typographical and philosophical performance; the play a theatrical performance of dreamwork enacted on a social level; and the novella a rhetorical subversion. Each mode of representation interrogates fundamental social value systems, and the result is a production that, as the initial step in its struggle against established hierarchical forms of social hegemony, creates audience reactions of shock, incomprehension, or amusement—so that it becomes easy to categorize (or dismiss) the production itself as merely an experimental game, or artistic anarchy. The audience reactions, however, are themselves psychosocial and aesthetic mechanisms for coping with the trauma presented by the production-performance in the form of an interrogation. Through an analysis of the internal logic—political, economic, theological, sociological, psychological – of these texts, and an extension of the analysis to Dada and Surrealist artworks, this paper will attempt to reveal the political strategies involved in their acts of linguistic subversion It will argue that in fact they propose not simply the destruction of existing structures, but a real-world critique – an analysis of the conditions of possibility of structure – with a view to the construction of an alternative social order in which language and communication would become expressions of fundamental existential and psychic realities. Revealing these underlying strategies, this paper undoes any distinction between the aesthetic and the political: it attempts to release and present the modernist agenda in its raw state; to reframe and recontextualize the struggle of Dada and Surrealism against hegemonic social structures; to confront an audience in a new century with the trauma of modernism while dismantling the ideological apparatus of coping mechanisms which might otherwise enable the Dada and Surrealist text to be absorbed into the power structures of aesthetics and art history; in short, to modernize the struggle of modernism.^ Jonathan Black (University College London, UK)“The Real Thing”: Masculinity, National Identity, Technology and the Image of the British Soldier in Memorial Sculpture of the First World War c. 1920-28This proposal has its origins in the final chapter of my recently submitted PhD thesis: ‘Neither Beasts Nor Gods, But Men: Constructions of Masculinity, Violence and the Image of the First World War British Soldier in the Art of C.R.W. Nevinson (1889-1946); Eric Kennington (1888-1960) and Charles Sargeant Jagger (1885-1934). I was struck by how often in newspaper interviews British ex-servicemen spoke of war memorial sculpture of which they approved as presenting an image of the British Soldier they evaluated as ‘the real thing.’ However, it was clear they rarely expected to detect this admirable quality in memorials they saw unveiled, commemorating their own experience or that of dead comrades. Evidently, they craved war memorial imagery, which they deemed to be authentic, convincing and credible. Ex-servicemen seldom bestowed the epithet ‘the real thing’ on memorial sculpture but when they did it was usually a memorial executed by a sculptor who themselves had direct and visceral combat experience such as Eric Kennington and Charles Sargeant Jagger (who won the Military Cross in April 1918, which entailed killing a number of Germans in close-order combat). My paper will explore work by these two sculptors such as Kennington’s 24th Division Memorial in Battersea Park (unveiled October 1924 and with one of its three figures modelled by Kennington’s friend and future author of the classic war novel Goodbye To All That, Robert Graves) and Jagger’s Royal Artillery Memorial, Hyde Park Corner London (unveiled October 1925 and a decade ago singled out for praise by Claes Oldenburg as a memorial whose resonance would never fade) which, I would argue, succeed in maintaining a richly stimulating balance between art historical primitivism (i.e. Kennington looked to Ancient Egypt as a friend of the archaeologist Howard Carter while Jagger was fascinated by the low-relief sculpture of Ancient Assyria in the British Museum) and technology in the form of weaponry and the mass manufactured products of the Fordian assembly line such as equipment and uniforms.PANEL III^ Civil Society, Civil Education and Cultural Identity in the Time of GlobalizationConvenors: Igor V. Sledzevski, Anatoly D. Savateev (Center for Civilizational and Regional Studies, Moscow, Russia)Beginning from the bourgeois revolutions era up to now the formation of the civil society, mass democracy and legal state remain the example of the of the political modernization. Securing the rights and chances and the establishing of the democratic forms of government based on the broad participation and will of the people are actual for the whole world. The western model of the sociocultural organization of the society, based on the principles of the priority of the interests of individual rights, market economy and values of liberal democracy have shown its superior effectiveness in solving these problems. The realization of this model as the dominant in the process of the societal transformation have become possible exclusively due to the inner changes of the modernizing type within the societies of Western Europe and North America in the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries. Beginning from the middle of the 20th century, however, the model of the civil society and state have experienced the influence of the qualitatively new processes which are defined as globalization. The realities of these processes are the global market formed by multinational corporations and multicultural consuming communities establishing universal norms and frameworks of the realization of the national sovereignties, global migrations and forming at the local level of the multicultural societies. They create the new existential milieu for the institutes and values of the civil societies. In this milieu the modernizing pattern of the forming of the forming of the civil society (traditional society versus modern society) is supplemented with the models of the transnational integrations of the economic systems, states, cultures (local forms of social organization versus global society). Transnational environment of the social interactions broadens the possibilities for the expansion of the western culture patterns into all regions globally – and at the same time – due to mass migrations and forming in the developed countries of the ethnicultural minorities and diasporas – in the centers of the western civilization rises the importance of the other (non-civil) values, symbols, and behavioral stereotypes. How these contradictory processes would tell upon the character of the modern civil society and the perceiving of its basic values by the non-western societies? How and with which results do the institutes and values of the civil societies as such interact with with the institutes and values of the multicultural societies? Would this interaction strengthen the trend of the global society towards a certain institutionalized order within which the norms and values of the modern liberal-democratic societies will be dominant or this process strengthens on the whole of the tendency to social desintegration, spontaneous breakup or intentional destruction of the old structures, based on the national identities, cultural disruptions and conflicts of civilizations? Which are under these conditions the tasks, possibilities and contents of the forming of the national versions of the civil culture?Subpanel 1. Civic Education in the Period of GlobalizationTatiana V Sokhraniaeva (Murmansk State Technical University, Russia) ^ Social Effectiveness of Education in Time of Globalization in Terms of Educating Citizens The problem of forming the civic consciousness by means of education has gained in importance in the situation of globalization, in spite of existing significant tradition of its development in the European and American philosophical and political thought (the ideal of paideia in Antiquity, citizen service of the Age of Enlightenment, liberal pedagogical ideas of John Dewey). Education as one of the most important channels of socialization in the modern world becomes not only the result of other social institutions’ functioning but also a factor of forming social structures, and chiefly a new, “mass” personality of the information society, as education and knowledge are the main resources of this society. Different evaluations of the potential of the new type of personality, both pessimistic (e.g., Z. Bauman) and optimistic (e.g., U. Eko) have a common premise – the recognition of serious transformation of consciousness, of forms of self-realization and ways of interpersonal communication in the modern world. Under these circumstances forming the civic consciousness must become a criteria of social effectiveness of education. The former ideas on education’s effectiveness such as acquiring skills and abilities, professionalism and competence must be supplemented by realizing the necessity of social education, forming the specific social rationality. The effective and humane social action must be the main result of education. In the situation of globalization, the formation of a professional aware of his or her responsibility to society (at all levels, from a small group to interdependent world community), capable of sticking to normative horizons no matter what occupation is concerned, of realizing his or her possibilities in a socially acceptable way, is supposed to be an ultimate priority. Herewith the civic consciousness should not be understood narrowly, in terms of rights and duties of a certain country’s citizen. Antagonisms of the globalization process (social inequality in old and new manifestations, non-equivalent information exchange and massive Westernization, difficulties in preserving the cultural identity) force to emphasize such an aspect of the civic consciousness problem as responsibilities of the activity subjects